Structure of Judicial Oratory

Structure of Judicial Oratory

26/11/2014

Strategy (Confounding Structures)

Workshop on Wednesday 10 December, 12-04 p.m.
University of helsinki, Porthania building P545 (Yliopistonkatu 3)

Emilios Christodoulidis, Glasgow: Revisiting the Politics of Law and the Logic of Rupture
Samuli Hurri, Helsinki: The Logic of Strategy
Riikka Koulu, Helsinki: Disintegrating Rationalities – Justificatory Structures. The Case of Online Dispute Resolution
Marjo Ylhäinen, Helsinki: The Making of Precarious Work under the Umbrella of Legal Protection

Emilios Christodoulidis is Professor of Legal Theory at the Law School of the University of Glasgow. Prior to that he taught at the University of Edinburgh. He holds degrees from the Universities of Athens (LLB) and Edinburgh (LLM, PhD). His interests lie mainly in the area of the philosophy and sociology of law and in constitutional theory. He is author of many articles on constitutional theory, democratic theory, critical legal theory, and transitional justice. Recent work includes: 'The European Court of Justice and "Total Market" Thinking', German Law Journal, 14(10) 2014, pp. 2005-2020; 'On the Politics of Societal Constitutionalism', Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, 20(2) 2013, pp. 629-663; 'A "Minefield of Misreckonings": Europe’s Constitutional Pluralism', in: Bernard, C., Gehring, M. and Solanke, I. (eds.) Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies, Volume 14, Hart Publishing (2013); 'The Quest for a Constitutional Perspective'  Jurisprudence 4(2) 2013, pp. 322-335; 'Strategies of Rupture', Law and Critique, 20(1) 2009, pp. 3-26.

Welcome!

Ps. A related event takes place two days earlier: 'Critique of Critique:  Discussion between Emilios Christodoulidis and Kaarlo Tuori' on Monday 8 December, 02-04 p.m., Porthania building P545 (Yliopistonkatu 3).

Contact: samuli.hurri@helsinki.fi

07/11/2014


Moral Struggle

Workshop on Thursday 13 November, 12-04 p.m.
Porthania, P669 (Yliopistonkatu 3, Helsinki)


Maria Drakopoulou, Kent: Of Political Ontologies, Law and Sexual Difference
Sanna Mustasaari, Helsinki: Reframing recognition – Transnational families, belonging and law
Samuli Hurri: Law as a Field for Moral Struggles: Objectives and Methods


Maria Drakopoulou is Reader in Law at Kent Law School, the University of Kent, UK. She became an academic after practicing for eleven years as a criminal law barrister in Athens, Greece. Her main areas of research interest are Feminist Theory and Jurisprudence, Roman Law, and the History of Philosophy and Law. She has held research fellowships at the European University Institute in Florence and Griffith Law School, Brisbane. Her latest publications include Feminist Encounters with Legal Philosophy (2013) and a special issue of the Australian Feminist Law Journal on the themes of Law, Space, Time and History (June 2013 with Julia Chrysostalis). She is currently completing a book on the genealogy of feminist legal thought.

Welcome!

Ps. Next workshop is with Emilios Christodoulidis on Strategy (Confounding Structures) on Wed 10 December, 12-04 p.m., Porthania P545.

Contact: samuli.hurri@helsinki.fi

04/11/2014

Focus III: Two Novel Methods

Two methodological innovations should be tested and developed further. First, the analytic of struggles is a way to give definite direction to legal research. The analytic of struggles provides elementary framing-devices to make problems of the law, enmeshed in society’s power-relations, visible and analysable in a robust way. Secondly, strategic filtering of rational reconstructions is a method of uncovering the game of power that goes on in case files in the form of legal reasoning. 

Method I: Analytic of legal struggles

What may be called the ‘underside of the law’ is its agonistic subtext of disagreements, confrontations and contradictions. To be able to address that region of the law, it needs to be constituted as something researchable. A specific analytic of legal struggles is required, which makes the legal conditions of moral struggle emerge as distinctive research objects.  Analytic of struggles is not an abstract theory of law, but a perspective for legal investigation: its worth should be proved in proximity to practice and through research on different substantive branches of law. The analytic of struggles breaks any set of legal research materials into three dimensions: struggles of individuals, of regimes and of lawyers.

– In the dimension of individuals, the law will be seen as entering into the tactics of actors as their means of moral struggle. Actors are individuals placed in critical confrontation situations: one’s particular form of life is threatened. A need emerges to struggle, not only for one’s particular life-form, but also for one’s recognition as unique ethical subject.

– In the dimension of regimes, social sub-systems compete in the field of law. Contradictions between these sets of social structure exist in the background of moral struggles. They take visible form as collisions between the behavioural expectations (social roles) borne by the different social-structural regimes (economic system of production, family system of love, political system of power, religious system of values, and so on).

– In the dimension of lawyers, the law should be capable of reproducing its conditions of existence through an employment of its own resources (autopoiesis). The law subsists on struggles of individuals enacting and employing those resources. Providing for such use of itself as a language resource, the law calls for individuals to maintain their capacity for making the difference between right and wrong.

Any legal case is an event where all these types of struggle occur at the same time and through the same material actions. The purpose of the analytic is to help taking apart from each other and discerning the different dimensions of struggle pertaining to legal practice.

Method II: strategic filtering

Another novel method of legal analysis may be called strategic filtering of rational reconstructions. In social science, rational reconstructions are discoveries of such tacit conceptions and principles of a practice that appear to be immanent to that practice as its unavoidable premises. Subsequently, these premises may be worked out into reflexive standards of criticism of the practice and thus fed back to the practice as its own rationality.[i] Engaging this way with practice, researchers should try to convince practitioners that fundamental norms are fully contained by the reality of practice. They are its necessary raison d’être. For example, if states are fighting the injustice of terrorism with their own injustice, say, by torturing a terrorist suspect, this would defeat their own case of legitimacy.

In a strategic framework, such reflexive arguments are to be viewed as pragmatic arguments. Rational reconstructions are used strategically in practical action.[ii] Enacting and employing the legal language of struggles, an actor may resort to rational reconstructions as more cogent reasons than others. Structures of the legal field are receptacles of such reconstructions, but in order to realize they must become parts of the tactic of individuals: arguments and counterarguments. Research that employs the analytical device of strategic filter does not aim at uncovering the tacit self-understanding of a practice, but the strategic game of reconstruction of self-understandings. As an argument, the rational reconstruction of what belongs to the nature of a practice – for example, ‘in war and love there are no rules’ – places a particular point of contention in some definite frames (love, war). It is about tinging a portrayal with a tone.

Tones that guide rational reconstruction in the sphere of law come notably from spheres other than the law. They may stem from and express behavioural expectations (social roles) pertaining to a particular sphere of life. These are subjectivities, subject-structuring structures, imposed on individuals by systems and regimes that prevail in the society. For examples, we may speak of the roles of a parent, worker and the citizen, which are embedded in the social structure of a family, a workplace and the political society. Insofar as the law is to be seen as generator of moral resilience, one should explore the means and ways it hands out for individuals to counter these imposed roles. 


[i] Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press 1996; and ‘Discourse Ethics: Notes on a Program of Philosophical Justification’, in Habermas: Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press 1992, 43–115.
[ii] For a radical view, see Emilios Christodoulidis, ‘Strategies of Rupture’ in Law and Critique 20(3) 2009, 3–26.

03/11/2014


Focus II: Right, Wrong and Self-Constitution


The employment of legal language as ethical practice is the question. What is meant by ethical practice?  Actions of an individual substantiate ethical practice and this constitutes the self of the individual. Ethics understood as self-constitution comes down to us from Aristotle. Ethics is neither a set of norms, nor a domain of knowledge, but individuals actively constituting their own self, ethos. Practices formative to ethos are neither universal nor private matters. Each institutional social setting (e.g., army barrack, police station, refugee camp, prison, and so on) has its organizational power structure, but also its own ethics. Each social micro-universe (say, each family or workplace) may present its unique ethics.
In any of these contexts, ethics is not the rules of those institutions insofar as they remain mere external confines of individual lives. The practice of an ethic penetrates the individual, works from the inside.  Unlike the inborn first-nature, which is given and irremovable, the ethical second nature needs to be upheld and substantiand in one’s deeds and undertakings.
Inserted to the legal context, ethical practice will immediately get entangled with practices of power. Viewed from the side of the society, the law is a system for the exercise of power: authorisations coming with constrictions and rules imposed on subjects. However, legal practice may also be viewed from the side of the subjects. It may appear as domination backed up by rules, but also as struggles of subjects against domination. An individual may be dragged to the law by force. But then an individual may also enter the law of one’s own accord – by asserting one’s rights, invoking the legal system, and speaking juridical language in general.
The law may provide effective defences, elements that an individual in turn may use against domination. Insofar as employment of these elements generates resistance to external power, what is the ensuing self-constitution of that practice?

Logos and Phone

Aristotle’s Politics at Book One, Chapter Two (1253a10–17) allows an entry point to the said problem. This is the well-known piece where human life is taken apart from the merely animal life. According to Aristotle, ‘man alone of the animals possesses speech (λόγος logos)’, other animals possess mere voice (φωνὴ, phone). ‘The mere voice,’ says Aristotle, ‘can indicate pain and pleasure, […] but speech is designed to indicate the advantageous and the harmful, and therefore also the right and the wrong’. The language of right and wrong is crucial, ‘for it is the special property of man in distinction from the other animals that he alone has perception of good and bad and right and wrong and the other moral qualities’.

Aristotle views human being as someone who apprehends moral qualities. In the background is Aristotle’s view that humanity is generated in the practices of ethics and politics. Yet, for Aristotle, ethics and politics are more or less the same practice – practice of virtues. Difference between ethics and politics is a matter of effects. The ethical effect is the constitution of the self and the political effect is the constitution of the polis. Important anyway is that ethics and politics come hand in hand: human life may be ethical only if it is political, and it can be political only if it is ethical. To get down to what exists at the heart of this complex, Aristotle turns to the employment of logos.
Logos (λόγος) is the speech and language employed in the course of practical life. If through language we are made into humans, then how does it make this happen to us? The mere voice, a sound (φωνὴ, phone), may be produced as a sign (σημεῖον, sêmeion) of pain and pleasure, but this is not enough for a language. Language, at least the moral language, is self-contained. Words do not stand for things that are external to language. Instead of that, speech exists for the purposes of bringing clear to the mind and manifesting (δηλος, dêlos) such distinctions that belong inherently to the language (λόγος). Through these distinctions we become human beings: we are humans when an entire system of language runs through our selves.
Aristotle says that language exists for the purpose of making distinctions between moral qualities, such as right and wrong. Competency for language is something that the human being alone bears. Language is there to provide its bearer the means and power to sustain a perception (αἴσθησις, aisthêsis) of right and wrong. Now, while it may be true that a human individual alone makes distinctions between right and wrong, this is not the point. The point is that only through making that distinction an individual becomes human. Every time someone makes that distinction, the language starts to operate in him. The person in question performs a distinction between the human self (that one becomes in and by that performance) and the mere animal (subject of inarticulate pain and pleasure that one of course still remains).

In summary, the argument of the analysis in Politics may be resumed in the following formula:
– Language is human constitution.
– Language exists for the purpose of distinguishing between right and wrong.
– Therefore, distinction between right and wrong is the human constitution.
At this point the original question needs to be resumed. May the employment of legal language work out as ethical practice? Thinking about really existing candidates for an Aristotelian language of right and wrong, the first coming across is juridical language, the language of the law. Does not the law exist exactly for the purpose of distinguishing between right and wrong? If it does, should not the Aristotelian argument be applicable for it, all the way to the conclusion? Employment of the law is ethical practice and this is where the self comes about. The conclusion is that human constitution is in fact all legal. This may sound coherent reasoning, but a little bit offhand improvisation at the same time. Without knowledge of the contexts and ways in which juridical language is employed such logical exercise does not amount to much. Can anything of more substance be achieved?

Subjection

Employment of juridical language is not usual conversation about moral issues between gentlemen. Communicative search of solutions plausible to all is not legal practice, not even ideally. Disagreements do not resolve in the way that that one of the parties finally understands that he was wrong. Legal practice is not a game where everyone will try to find out together what is right. True, the game goes on by way of putting forward all the reasons, speech and language (λόγος) to support one’s cause and an element of convincing and persuading exists without doubt. However, when the talking is over, everyone will realise that legal language comes with a threat from the very start. Legal language: words that come with a threat. The source of the threat is the overpowering enforcement machinery of the repressive state.

The repressive machinery stands behind the legal language of right and wrong. The juridical system holds certain expectations of that machinery: the machinery should not need to persuade, discipline or rehabilitate nonconformists; having promulgated its judgement, the law expects the machinery to subjugate them entirely regardless of their opinion. At that stage the law is as blind as a bat to reason, even if before that stage legal argumentation had appeared as petitioning reason. The strategy of invocation of the legal system is ultimately not chosen because it appeals to rationally compelling truth. Invocation of the legal system appeals to force.
Despite the underlying presence of overpowering force, juridical language as a language of right and wrong is nevertheless available also to those who wish to practice resistance.  All the same, the law is a dangerous game of power; it is ultimately about appropriating the irrational force element with which the law is invested. In principle, the force is available to all, and glorious battles may be won with it. However, invocation and appropriation of irrational forces comes with a cost. Someone who asserts rights will have to become a legal subject.

The problem now seems to be this: what is it that an individual must become, make of itself, when entering the field of law? What idea of the law one will internalise? This is the problem of subjection, subject-making that goes along with the exercise of power. According to Judith Butler, subjection is ‘the process of becoming subordinated by power as well as the process of becoming a subject’. Power and psyche go together in subjection: it is a process where ‘power that at first appears as external, pressed upon the subject, pressing the subject into subordination, assumes a psychic form that constitutes the subject’s self-identity’.[i] Subjection is not simply power that works upon the individual as externally imposed unfreedom (subjugation, domination, oppression). It works through a self that is its own product.
This problem of subjection is not at all about roles acted out by individuals, dramatic masks to be taken off and replaced by others. More permanently effective form of the law exists that makes subjects out of individuals. Whereas the use of this form takes place in social relations, the target domain of effects is one’s self-relation. This domain consists primarily of the ways in which one gets by dealing with one’s self. In this sense of a self-relation, the subject is about how an ‘I’ relates with ‘myself’. What has the law to do with that?

Positive Law

To become a legal subject does not mean internalising subject-structuring structures given externally to the subject. The psychic form assumed by the law in individuals is not the same as the form that the law assumes in social structure. What is it in one’s relation to the law that may have self-constituting effects? There are two rather opposite options available. The first option is that the subject looks for authority in the law. Whether found or not found eventually, it is this search for authority that defines a legal subject. The second option is the law as something positive, conceived as external from the start. This is to deny and renounce all moral authority of the law.

On the basis of the historical fact of positivisation of the law, Slavoj Žižek, for one, has taken an interesting stance.  The moral constitution of a modern subject is gained through ‘acceptance of the customs and rules of social life in their nonsensical, given character, through acceptance of the fact that “Law is law”, we are internally freed from its constraints’.[ii] Stripped of all moral qualities the law is obeyed only because it is the law. The effect is moral liberation that goes for the internal sphere of the psyche.
Liberation works out the ground for ethical practice: a negative relation to the law precedes an ethical self-relation. What needs to be internalised first is the idea that the law is external. This is perhaps crucial to the psychic form that the law assumes and to the way it it makes subjects, but we certainly cannot stop there.

[i] Judith Butler, The Psychic Life of Power. Theories in Subjection. Stanford University Press, Stanford, California, 1997, p. 2–3.
[ii] Slavoj Žižek, The Sublime Object of Ideology. London and New York: Verso 1990, 80.

02/10/2014

Subject-making (Psychic and Power)

Workshop on Wed 8 October, 12-04 p.m.
Porthania, P545 (Yliopistonkatu 3, Helsinki)


Samuli Hurri, Helsinki: Right, Wrong and Self-Constitution
Andreja Zevnik, Manchester: Struggle for life in Guantanamo: Resistance to and for the law
Kati Nieminen, Helsinki: The Tragicomedy of Law
Ukri Soirila, Helsinki: Subject-Making in ‘Humanity Law’: Deconstructing some recent trends in international law

Welcome!

ps. next workshops:  Moral struggle (Master and Servant) Thu 13 November, 12-04 p.m., Porthania P669; Strategy (Confounding Structures) Wed 10 December, 12-04 p.m., Porthania P545

Contact: samuli.hurri@helsinki.fi

24/09/2014


 

Focus I: Microanalysis of Individual Struggles

 

What is the purpose?

This is an invitation to think about an ambitious project: to revision and analyse the microstructures of legal practice as resources of moral struggle. More will be said about the microstructures and their analysis, but let me first rip the whole parcel open for you to find out straightaway what is in it. What the law hands out for all to make use of is a specific language of right and wrong – at the same time, it makes this language mandatory for anyone entering the field of law.[1] To focus on struggle is to mark a critical turn to a broad problem: supposing that a legal language as a general grammar of conflicts exists, what are the effects of its use on the moral constitution of individuals?[2] Unlike political struggles of groups for a common cause, moral struggle is a matter of an individual’s relation to oneself. A solid self-relation may protect the individual from the surrounding society, but it is the work of one’s social experience all the same: confrontation with others and with the impersonal society will constantly put one’s moral self-defences to a test of endurance. At stake is an individual’s idea of oneself that is shaped by and defended in social interaction.[3] What sort of critical support the law may give when going through such trials and tribulations?

What are Individual struggles?

Topical again due to the recent outbursts of  public anxiety (at Taksim, Syntagma and Tahrir squares, in Rio and Crimea, in Zuccotti Park at Wall Street, and so on),[4] political struggles of groups are a well-researched area of social, political and historical critique.[5] The ways in which the law may be positively engaged in such collective struggles have been discussed widely by legal scholars and political philosophers.[6] Why is it that the field of the law and moral struggles of individuals appears to be less explored?[7] One may suspect that access to that field is still curtailed by the legacy of Enlightenment moral philosophy of inborn qualities of man – Kant’s moral reason, Hume’s moral sense, and so on.[8] One might not detest these bright ideas so much had they not resulted in a nasty trap pointed out by Marxists and other critics more or less in their vein. In reality, ‘inborn qualities’ may turn out to function as exclusionary determinations of the human.[9] Apparently decent ideas produce reverse real effects: irresponsible exercise of power and precarious real conditions of life.[10] Insofar as deprivation of the means by which one used to make what is needed in material life (the so-called proletarianisation) was accompanied by a similar deprivation of the means of moral life, maybe both of these desolations occurred in the juridical guise of ‘free will’? Saluted as autonomous, rational and free, weren’t we simply left alone in the battlefield? Restoring the battlefield as a problem field for research, the question of moral constitution must be referred again, but this time to a different register: subjectivation is necessary, but is resistance possible?[11]

What is the use of law?

Apart from liberal ideas, the question of the relationship between an individual’s moral constitution and the law can no longer be about realizing a genuinely moral being either, even less about the becoming moral unity of the human kind. After all, such raising of individuals sounds like fascism. The law has a use as a system of power and practice of law is exercise of power; legal systems are not even-handed distributions of powers between extra-legal forces, but to the full implicated in the games of power.[12] Insofar as a revision of the law is to be done genuinely from the side of individuals and their struggles, one will have to consider the possibility of the law as something that strengthens the subject’s resilience against any form of domination – not excluding those forms that the law justifies. One way to provide a vision to the law as a condition of moral resistance is through a specific social theoretical notion of the law. The law on the whole, a complete legal system, intends to cover every aspect of society, which is why it contains the same structural heterogeneity and the same conflicts of value that exist in the society itself.[13] Insofar as incongruity is this way endemic to the law, mismatch and friction will prevail as the underside of its regulative ideas of unity and coherence. Realising this, a strategic posture towards the law on the whole is possible: freedom as a practice of law may be carried out, not by identifying with a solid and crystallized homo juridicus, but through the mastery of the decentred subjectivities prevailing in the field of law.

Problematisation

How to generate visibility to the heterogeneous and decentred underside reality of the law in a way that it may appear as a definite field of individual struggles? How to break ground for exploring the legal language of moral struggles that may take advantage of the said incongruity? To explore moral struggles as things emanating from the underside of the law, the procedure of problematisation may prove fruitful.[14] Among other things, it is breeding of bewilderment through pluralisation of viewpoints thus that their meeting points engender problems.[15] Accordingly, problems may be invoked by making diagonal cuts across the field of legal practice, in whose intersections legal structures of moral struggles should become perceptible in a robust, concrete and analysable way. At this time, procedural law and labour law are singled out as examples of divergent entry points to the law on the whole as a field of struggles. More will be said of that below, but let us turn to the method first.

Field of struggles constituted

Devising analytical concepts is necessary, but not enough for our purposes. An entire domain of knowledge must be constituted in order to make legal conditions of moral struggle emerge as distinctive research objects. A specific analytic of struggles is required.  Conceived originally for research of legal cases, my proposal for an analytic of struggles breaks any set of conflict-generated research materials into three dimensions: (1) in the dimension of individuals, the law enters into the tactics of strategically oriented actors as their means of struggle; (2) in the dimension of regimes, functionally differentiated social systems compete with each other in the field of law; (3) in the dimension of lawyers, at stake is the survival of the law as one of the regimes that struggle for existence in a functionally differentiated society. The analytic of struggles is not an abstract theory of law, but a perspective for legal investigation: its worth should be proved in proximity to practice and through research on any of the substantive branches of law.

Microanalysis – of what?

To begin with, microanalysis is a way to individuate and assemble research materials. This is achieved through an operation that may be called ‘positivisation’ of rational reconstructions. In research on society, one usually understands rational reconstruction in terms of discoveries of such tacit conceptions and principles of practice that appear to be immanent to it as its unavoidable premises. Reconstructions of these premises a researcher may subsequently work out into reflexive standards of criticism of practice and even try feed them back to practice as its own rationality.[16] This project both builds on but also departs from that research programme. On the basis is the observation that legal practice in itself is reflexive: reconstruction of unavoidable premises is one of the lawyers’ ways to argue in the course of their practical action. Recognising this, the objective for research is no longer recovery of tacit self-understandings of legal practice, but uncovering the micro level game of law in which actors make explicit uses of unavoidable premises – as tactical choices pertinent to the case at hand. Occurrences of the said type of strategically filtered reconstructions of presuppositions may constitute the research materials of the project.

Examples: Labour law and procedural law

Labour law together with procedural law, as sites of the said type of occurrences, provide exceptionally prominent examples of a staging for the problem of moral struggles. To vindicate this, here are some provisional examples of instances of rational reconstructions prevalent in those branches of law. Procedural law purports to establish courtrooms as impartial spaces of equality: every party is provided the same arms and presumed to be equally capable of using them. In stark contrast, labour law sets out from the crucial presumption of the workplace as an asymmetric space of power relations between employer and employee: protection of the weaker party is labour law’s raison d’être. Born from class conflict and deeply embedded in the economic functioning of societies, labour law stands for the idea of the law of the society: it has value as an instrument of responding to changing societal needs. In turn, procedural law stands out as the law of lawyers: furnishing their practical work of reproduction of the law as a distinct social system, it is a carrier of values inherent only to law.

The law on the whole is a field of struggles

It is important to note that the above indicated differences between premises/presumptions of procedural law and labour law reflect similar tensions prevalent in the law on the whole: as for the first difference, an ubiquitous tension exists in law between the fundamental principle of formal equality, on the one hand, and the inevitable existence of factual inequalities, on the other hand; as for the second, an equally ubiquitous tension exists between law’s responsiveness and autopoiesis. Moreover, in the intersection between labour law and procedural law one may observe an expression of the adversity between the two styles of doing justice – materialist and procedural – competing for the status of ‘the paradigm’ of modern law.[17] Constantly keeping a lookout for such intersections – between structures that find rather one-sided expression in different branches of law – the research should be all the while geared towards generalizability. At any event, the research instruments outlined above are meant for the elucidation of the law on the whole as a field of struggle.

Vision

The foregoing affair is merely to mark some provisional points from which one might start working. More is needed, this is all too little. Nevertheless, I do not wish to hide the grander vision that stands in the background of these few notes. As a matter of course, this project’s outcome should be a novel perspective added to the research of law in society, but not only that. The social impact, hopefully coming about over time through education of lawyers, is of much greater importance. The vision of that impact is an ethically and politically sustainable understanding of the law as an effective grammar of conflicts. It would be rooted in the ways in which conflicts are dealt with and experienced in the so called life-world, but there it would stand for critical morality rather than for social mores.[18] Finally, I dear confess my biggest dream: it is to make those people stronger who wish to defend their individuality against standard normality, those who wish to become ‘another beings’,[19] by employing the language of right and wrong. Going through this dream is to destroy some existing orders as far as mastery of oneself requires this. More than destroy, however, I would like to see them put into operation as means of struggle.

Samuli Hurri
Research group “Right and Wrong: Legal language of moral struggle”



[1] Ancient philosophers considered that the capacity to make us of this language makes human beings. See Aristotle, Politics 1.2., 1253a10–17; Plato, Protagoras 322c–d.
[2] On the law as a language (in the sense of grammar), see especially Martti Koskenniemi’s ‘Epilogoue’ to the reissue of his From Apology to Utopia. The Structure of International Legal Argument Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2005. In a similar vein, but pursuing rather different objectives, Klaus Günther speaks of a ‘universal code of legality’ in his ‘Legal pluralism or uniform concept of law? Globalisation as a problem of legal theory’ in No Foundations 5 (April 2008), 5–21.
[3] Therefore, the proposed research would have a social psychological backbone in the original sense of G. H. Mead. See his Mind, Self, and Society from the Standpoint of a Social Behaviorist. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press  1967; and Jürgen Habermas ‘Individuation through Socialization: On George Herbert Mead’s Theory of Subjectivity’, in Habermas Postmetaphysical Thinking: Philosophical Essays. Cambridge (Mass.) and London: The MIT Press 1994, 149–204.
[4] Greek legal philosopher Costas Douzinas has defined our times as ‘the age of resistance’. See his Philosophy and Resistance in the Crisis. Cambridge: Polity 2013.
[5] Groundbreaking works of social historians: E. P. Thompson ’The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century’ Past & Present No. 50 (Feb. 1971,) 76–136; E. P. Thompson Whigs and Hunters. The Origin of the Black Act. London: Breviary Stuff Publications 2013; Barrington Moore Jr. Injustice: The Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt. London: Macmillan 1978. Still pertinent attempt to theorize struggles of groups is Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Towards a Radical Democratic Politics, 2nd edtion, London and New York: Verso 2001.
[6] In the U.S.A., Stuart Scheingold and Austin Sarat have worked on what they call ‘cause lawyering’; see their Something to Believe in: Politics, Professionalism, and Cause Lawyering.  Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004. In Finland, this path was opened by Thomas Wilhelmsson in his Senmodern ansvarsrätt. Privaträtt som redskap för mikropolitik. Helsinki: Kauppakaari 2000. In political philosophy, a new initiative was recently made by Simon Critchley; see his Infinitely Demanding. Ethics of Commitment, Politics of Resistance. London & New York: Verso 2012, 105–14.
[7] Important individual contributions do exist: Locus classicus is Rudolph von Jhering’s Der Kampf ums Recht (1872), Frankfurt a. M.: Vittorio Klosterman 2003. See also Peter Fitzpatrick Law as Resistance: Modernism, Imperialism, Legalism. Aldershot: Ashgate 2008.
[8] Hume and Kant were my own initial attempts to enter the problem field of moral constitution and the law. See Samuli Hurri ‘From dissonance to Sense: Categories of Private and Public’ in T. Wilhelmsson & S. Hurri (eds.) From Dissonance to Sense. Welfare State Expectations, Privatization and Private Law. Aldershot: Ashgate 1999, 593–636.
[9] For a recent proposal for radical alternative – based on the Spinozist conatus as ‘the force common to everything around us’ – in which belonging to the law is not to be construed from any given legal framework (such as that of human rights), but negotiated in each given situation differently, see Andreja Zevnik ‘Becoming-Animal, Becoming-Detainee: Encountering Human Rights Discourse in Guantanamo’ Law and Critique 22(2) (July 2011), 155–169.
[10] See for example Scott Veitch Law and Irresponsibility. On the legitimation of human suffering. Oxon: Routledge 2007.
[11] This problem is where I was left in my Birth of the European Individual. Law, Security, Economy. Oxon and New York, Routledge 2014. Subjectivation is ‘the process of becoming subordinated by power as well as the process of becoming a subject’. Judith Butler The Psychic life of Power: Theories in Subjection. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1997, 2.
[12] A fine example of this is Loïc Azoulai’s analysis of the tendency for EU law to be held as a ‘total’ law: while ‘retained powers’ exists with the Member States, they should nonetheless be exercised with a view of EU law. See his article The ‘Retained Powers’ Formula in the Case Law of the European Court of Justice: EU law as Total Law? European Journal of Legal Studies 4(1) 2011, 192–219.
[13] This is the way I would enter the so-called agonist philosophy of law. For more elucidated views, see Andrew Schaap (ed.) Law and Agonistic Politics. Farnham: Ashgate 2009; and Nuno M.M.S. Coelho ‘Controversy and Practical Reason in Aristotle’ in Liesbeth Huppes-Cluysenaer and Nuno M.M.S. Coelho (eds.) Aristotle and the Philosophy of Law: Theory, Practice and Justice. Dordrecht: Springer 2013, 87–108.
[14] I have employed this procedure especially in Chapter 2 of my Birth of the European Individual, supra note 11.
[15] According to Foucault, for something to become problematic ‘it is necessary that certain number of factors to have made it uncertain, to have made it lose familiarity, or to have provoked a certain number of difficulties around it’. See Polemics, Politics, and Problematizations: an Interview with Michel Foucault’ in M. Foucault Ethics, Subjectivity and Truth: Essential Works of Foucault 1954–1984, vol. 3, New York: The New Press, 117. I have employed the procedure of problematisation in my Birth of the European Individual (op. cit. endnote 8), especially in Chapter 2. Possibilities of employing this procedure grow larger when employed in a collective project:  something like ‘a “multiple” intelligence or kaleidoscopic view” of the law may be prospected, in the words of  Miguel Poiares Maduro’s and Loïc Azoulai’s ‘Introduction’ to their edited volume on The Past and Future of EU Law. The Classics of EU Law Revisited on the 50th anniversary of the Rome Treaty. Portland: Hart Publishing 2010, xiv.
[16] Paragon examples of rational reconstruction are the works by Jürgen Habermas in universal pragmatics and in the law. See his ‘Discourse Ethics: Notes on a Program of Philosophical Justification’, in his Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action, Cambridge, UK: Polity Press 1992, 43–115; and Chapters 3–4 of his Between Facts and Norms, Cambridge, UK: Polity Press 1996, 82–193. Emilios Christodoulidis calls for a more destructive version of immanent critique, where the point is to locate such self-contradictions that cannot be corrected or disciplined. See his ‘Strategies of Rupture’ in Law and Critique 20(3) 2009, 3–26.
[17] See Habermas Between Facts and Norms, supra note 15, Chapter 9. For Christodoulidis (supra note 15) the effect of the employment of a proceduralist program in law is a deadlock for the materialist argument.
[18] Axel Honneth The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press 1995.
[19] Zevnik, supra note 9, 160.